In Down to Earth, Alok Gupta analyzes the damaging effect violence has had on Bihar’s efforts to empower women and advance self-governance. The article argues that although the Bihar government announced a 50 percent quota for women in the panchayat (village council) in 2006, it has not helped in bringing about true empowerment for women. Instead, men force their homemaker wives to contest elections as the husbands continue to make all the decisions.
As sarpanchs (village council leaders) and mukhiyas (district leaders) have the power to approve development projects and administer social welfare programs, the posts are highly coveted. Often violence is used to discourage women from contesting elections. Mr. Gupta lists a number of incidents in which women standing for village council elections or their husbands were attacked, murdered and mutilated. In the three village council elections since 2006, 191 people were killed in Bihar before and during elections.
Rising violence along with continued gender discrimination have undermined the efficacy of the quota system for women in village council leadership. “In the past five years, the number of widowed mukhiyas and sarpanchs has spiraled, casting doubt if the Bihar government’s efforts to empower women were merely yet another political sop,” Mr. Gupta concludes.
In Tehelka, Kunal Majumder weighs in on last month’s events in Bangladesh, where young Muslim activists took to the streets of Dhaka protesting the Islamist political group Jamaat-e-Islami Bangladesh in an assertion of secularism and nationalism.
The protests were triggered on Feb. 5 when the War Crimes Tribunal, instituted by the government to try those accused of committing atrocities in Bangladesh’s liberation war in 1971, handed down a life sentence to Abdul Kader Mollah, who was convicted of rape and mass murder. Many Bangladeshis had expected a death sentence for Mr. Mollah, who is often called the “Butcher of Mirpur” for slaughtering 344 people.
In response to the sentence, four bloggers in their 20s — Imran H. Sarkar, Mahmadul Haq Munshi, Maruf Rosul and Amit Bikram Tripura — organized a protest near the National Museum adjacent to Shahbag Square. Within days, students from other universities joined the protest, which grew exponentially. The protesters demanded the death sentence for the perpetrators of war crimes, a ban on the Jamaat-e-Islami and its student wing, which are associated with the war crimes committed during Bangladesh’s liberation struggle, and a ban on enterprises controlled by the Jamaat.
Mr. Majumder compares the youth protesting at Shahbag Square to the uprisings in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, Syria and Pakistan, where young Muslim populations massed on the streets. However, the critical difference in Bangladesh, Mr. Majumder writes, is that the young Muslims’ demands were extremely un-Islamic.
“A young generation of Bangladeshis set out to recapture the legacy of their country’s birth and reclaim the narrative of 1971, taking ownership of an event that occurred well before this generation was born,” Mr. Majumder writes. “Young Muslims came out on the streets, angry and impassioned. They were not advocating or emerging as the vanguard for Islamism; they were opposing it.”
In Open, Rahul Pandita critiques the draft Jammu and Kashmir Police Bill 2013, which empowers local police and reduces police accountability. He notes that while the Jammu and Kashmir chief minister, Omar Abdullah, has often publicly denounced the Armed Forces Special Powers Act that grants armed forces impunity, the draft Kashmir Police Bill gives similar powers to the state police. The bill, which has already stirred controversy in the Kashmir Valley, allows police personnel to bypass the district magistrate in law-and-order disputes.
Other controversial parts of the act include allowing a police officer “not authorized by rank or jurisdiction” to keep a person in custody for six hours before a competent officer takes over and the authorization to create “village defense committees” and appoint civilians as special police officers.
While the chief minister has said that the bill will only be passed after it goes through the state cabinet and both legislative houses, Mr. Pandita argues that Mr. Abdullah’s inaction with regards to the bill has hurt himself by giving his opponents plenty of ammunition in this debate.
